The undecided

By Michael Henry Yusingco, LL.M

Who are the political factions that will decide the fate of our country? There is the pro-Marcos camp, often described as the Solid North and Loyalists. There is the pro-Duterte collective, or the Solid South, which now functions as the opposition by default. There are the Pinks and Yellows, with a speck of the Makabayan bloc, who consciously brand themselves as the “democratic opposition.” And then there is the undecided—the silent majority that refuses to fit neatly into any camp.

The undecided are often dismissed as apathetic or uninformed. This is a convenient caricature, and a wrong one. In reality, this segment of the polity forms a volatile and influential bloc whose behaviour reveals deeper truths about our political culture. They are not undecided because they do not care. They are undecided because they do not trust. And they are profoundly dissimilar to hardened partisans for largely being immune to political fandom and cult of personality syndrome.

Unlike the fanatical supporters of political clans, the undecided are not anchored to family loyalties, party machinery, or patronage networks. Many have already experienced the failures of traditional politics firsthand. They have voted before. They have listened to promises. They have watched administrations change while everyday life remained stubbornly difficult. Their indecision is less about ignorance and more about scepticism born from futile repetition.

Political dynasties rely on certainty: devoted bailiwicks, controlled barangays, and dependable vote banks. It is the undecided that can disrupt this architecture. They make elections riskier and outcomes less guaranteed. They force candidates to at least pretend to compete on performance rather than rely purely on name recognition. Even a relatively small slice of the undecided bloc can destabilize entrenched political machines.

The challenge, therefore, is to politicize the undecided differently. When undecided voters demand proof instead of promises, they push candidates to adjust behaviour. When they reward competence over charisma, they slowly reshape political incentives. Reform-oriented politicians who understand this dynamic and respond accordingly can get rewarded at the polling booth.

Recent elections show that undecided voters can be persuaded by credible anti-corruption signals, demonstrated crisis competence, and emotional restraint. They are wary of political noise and deeply allergic to manufactured outrage. Candidates who thrive on constant conflict may excite loyalists, but they almost always repel undecided voters. Years of living paycheck to paycheck have fostered in the undecided a deep yearning for leadership with integrity.

Yet many remain trapped in the exhausting habit of choosing what feels like the “lesser evil.” Sadly, politics-as-usual will compel the undecided to pick from the other factions. Come election time undecided voters will reckon with the devil and will always lose because political dynasties dominate electoral competition. Though their rage seems to be at a tipping point now. For there is certainly a “times they are a-changin” vibe in the air.

The reality is, if the country’s political fate is to change, it will not come from factional lemmings or dynastic insiders. It will be driven by the millions of Filipinos straddling the tightrope between poverty and progress. The undecided voter embodies the country’s unresolved democratic struggle. Cautious, sceptical, and quietly demanding, they represent the electorate the political class fears most. They wield immense power, yet they remain largely untapped.

Interestingly, persuasion specialist, Alan German, mentioned in an episode of the Fact First podcast that President Bongbong Marcos may have blurted the “Mihaya naman kayo!” exhortation in his 4^th SONA merely as narrative hook.  His team may have thought that the public will no longer demand a follow through. If this were the case, then President Marcos has gravely underestimated the undecided. And now he desperately needs to recalibrate his comms strategy to secure his freedom post-term.

Some dynasty-slayers may have figured out how to ignite the undecided’s sense of urgency. But much more energy can still be mobilized from this group. So far, the other political factions have failed to do so. Time, however, is not infinite. If undecided voters grow cynical enough to disengage entirely, the consequences will be severe. And the biggest loser will be the politician who needs the undecided vote the most.