Cordillera’s Cultural Norms Push Back Against Political Dynasties

By Frank Cimatu

Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism

Filipinos could only vote in 1907, and only men were allowed to do so. Filipinos in the US were permitted suffrage after World War II in 1946.

But the Cordillerans who joined the St. Louis Fair in Missouri in 1904 were the first to cast their votes. That being an election year in the US, the Igorots in the fair were made to place a bean in either one of two gangsas (gongs), which had the faces of Theodore Roosevelt and Alton B. Parker.

Most of the Cordillerans chose the eventual winner, the Republican Roosevelt, who won by a landslide across the US.

Although the contest was just for show, it showed that the Cordillerans were, even then, outliers when it came to politics.

It was the only region that resisted Spanish colonialism, keeping its indigenous political DNA more or less intact.

And while the country is now plagued by the issue of political dynasties, Cordillera remains largely rooted in its indigenous forms of governance with political dynasties as an experimentation of sorts.

TOP PHOTO: Sipat is an indigenous ritual that serves as a preliminary step in forging a peace pact among Cordillera tribes. The term refers to the exchange of peace tokens, symbolizing the intent to pursue peaceful relations. This photo by Tommy Hafalla was shared with the author, with permission, for this report.

Historical Resistance to Political Dynasties

Kurt Zeus Lequit Dizon, a political science instructor at Saint Louis University here in Baguio City, said there is a correlation between the colonizer’s political maneuvering or non-maneuvering and the region’s collective political upbringing.

“While some Spaniards collaborated with local elites or upper classes in the Cordillera, these elites never gained the level of economic dominance required to meet one of the key prerequisites of a modern political dynasty,” Dizon told the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ).

“On the other hand, the Americans made significant efforts to integrate the Cordillera into the broader Filipino society and have deeper collaboration with local elites than the Spaniards. However, by this time, it was too late for these elites to catch up with the already entrenched lowland dynasties, which had benefited from centuries of colonial spoil system and consolidation,” he added.

Indigenous peoples’ modes of governance, such as the tongtongan of Benguet, dap-ay in Mountain Province, and boding in Kalinga and Upper Abra, withstood or at least adapted to the Spanish, American, Filipino, or so-called lowlander political intrusion.

These indigenous governance structures are communal and participatory. They are headed mostly by older men, and the handling of the bodong or the peace pact and dispute resolution system is mostly passed to families.

In the Cordillera region, the transfer of elected positions within a single family across generations is not generally frowned upon. However, it can become contentious when multiple family members seek office at the same time, as seen in the current controversy in Baguio City.

Karin Codiase Bangsoy, another young political science instructor at the University of the Philippines Baguio, said that the Cordillera cultural norms rather than the governing institutions have been more persuasive in limiting political dynasties in the region.

“The dap-ay, tongtongan, and bodong are community mechanisms for resolving disputes, preserving peace, and discussing salient issues within the locality. On the other hand, the rise of political dynasties are mostly functions of family or clan wealth and social prominence,” said Bangsoy.

“So, in the first place, these mechanisms may not be the main limiting factor for political dynasties in the central Cordillera. Cultural norms may be another factor; a much-quoted idea is ‘adi tako bokodan di gawis’ — ‘Let us not keep the good for ourselves only’ — which may be one of those norms that work to keep entire families from holding office out of shame — bain or inayan,” she added.

“Adi tako bokodan di gawis” was adopted by Sagada as its motto, emphasizing communal sharing with gawis having both the meaning of goodness and beauty. This phrase also leads to og-ogbo or mutual help, similar to bayanihan especially when it means heavy labor.

Og-ogbo also extends to campaigning, as candidates in Benguet towns often campaign together, allowing voters to compare their views and promises, and enabling the candidates to jointly contribute to the slaughter of a pig, which townspeople later partake in together.

Candidates in Central Cordillera

In interior Cordillera—such as the provinces of Benguet, Ifugao, Mountain Province, and Kalinga—the old political names like the Cosalans, Dominguezes, and Lumauigs have ceased to be dominant.

Benguet

Only Nelson Dangwa, who is running for vice governor in Benguet, is the last holdout. The reign of the Dangwas began when the illustrious Bado Dangwa, the founder of Dangwa Bus, became governor from 1953 until 1963. Bado was replaced by his nephew Samuel, who was vice governor from 1972 until 1980 before becoming a representative from 1976 to 2010. His son Nelson was a reluctant successor, rising only to vice governor.

In the gubernatorial race in Benguet, incumbent Gov. Melchor Diclas faces a challenge from his former vice governor, Johnny “Jowa” Waguis. Former Tublay Mayor Ruben Paoad enters the race as a dark horse, while businessman George Punasen rounds out the four-way contest.

The congressional race is being closely watched this year, with incumbent Rep. Eric Go Yap going up against Vice Gov. Ericson “Tagel” Felipe. Both have fielded full slates at the provincial and municipal levels.

Yap, a former party list representative for ACT-CIS, became Benguet’s legislative caretaker in January 2020 when Rep. Nelson Fongwan died of an illness. Yap’s outsider status became an issue when he ran for a second term in 2022, but he won handily against Itogon Mayor Victorio Palangdan.

Yap’s brother, Edvic, succeeded him as representative of ACT-CIS and is now seeking re-election. If both win in the May elections, Benguet could play a part in solidifying the rise of the Yap political dynasty—one that, like the Tulfos and Sottos, does not necessarily rely on a provincial stronghold.

Yap’s battle with Felipe is a battle between influential leaders in the House of Representatives. Yap’s predecessor, Ronald Cosalan, became chair of the House committee on public works and highways. Yap himself became chair of the House committee on public appropriations in 2020.

In Baguio City, the congressional and mayoral races are also being closely watched. Voters will decide whether to allow a husband and wife to occupy the city’s top posts

Outgoing Rep. Mark Go is among the challengers to incumbent mayor Benjamin Magalong. His wife, Soledad Go, is seeking to succeed him as Baguio’s representative in the House of Representatives.

Ifugao

In Ifugao, the congressional race is a battle between contractors. Incumbent representative Solomon Chungalao, a grizzled lawyer, will be gunning for his last term against three public works contractors.

Valdoboyd Ngipol of the PDP-Laban party is the proprietor of Bodyrock Construction, Francis Cuyop (Partido Federal ng Pilipinas or PFP) is the proprietor of 3K Rock Engineering, and Nelson Ayoc (Independent) heads the NBA5 Architectural Design and Construction.

Prominently absent in the local elections is former Rep. Teddy Baguilat, who decided to become a party list candidate for Mamamayang Liberal.

In the gubernatorial race, incumbent Gov. Jerry Dalipog is running against former Gov. Eugene Balitang (PFP), Romy Ballatong (Independent), and Rolando Paligan (Independent).

For vice governor, Glenn Prudenciano is hoping to win his last term against Lagawe Mayor Martin Habawel Jr.

Mountain Province

In Mountain Province, Gov. Bonifacio Lacwasan is seeking a third term against former Sagada Mayor Eduardo Latawan Jr. Incumbent Rep. Maximo Dalog Jr. is seeking reelection unopposed.

Most of those in the municipal level in these three Central Cordillera provinces are two-way contests, usually pitting the incumbent against a graduating councilor. Notable contests in Benguet include the capital town of La Trinidad, Bokod, and Tublay, where three to five candidates are vying for the post vacated by the retiring mayor. Also interesting is Tuba, where the lone woman mayor in Benguet, Clarita Sal-ongan, is being challenged by four men.

In Ifugao, most are two-way contests at the municipal level except in Hungduan and Kiangan, where incumbent mayors Casan Dumulan and Raldis Bulayungan are seeking reelection uncontested.

Interesting races for mayor in Mountain Province include the capital town of Bontoc with incumbent Chadsen Tudlong running against former mayor Franklin Odsey and Eusebio Kabluyen; Sagada with incumbent Felicito Gula against Michael Conrad Aben and Joe Anthony Lalwet; and Paracelis with incumbent Marcos Ayangwa running against Randy Awisan. Mayors Constito Masweng of Tadian and Marcial Lawilaw Jr. of Sabangan are the only unopposed reelectionists in Mountain Province.

Kalinga

In Kalinga, it can be worth noting that among the governors, almost all were elected to only a single term except for Jocel Baac, who became governor from 2010 to 2019.

Kalinga has 36 ili or tribal communities, autonomous and self-sustaining in governance, although, unlike a tribe, they have no single chieftain to submit to. Relationships among ili are made through the bodong, an agreement or treatise between two ilis. There are rules in these bodongs called the pagta, the fragile bond that binds an ili to the other. When a violation occurs and amends are not immediately made, the bodong ruptures, and a tribal war might ensue.

In barangay politics, many bodong holders were also elected as village captains. But in the larger arena, elected Kalingas are more often those with high educational backgrounds.

The spirit of the bodong insists that only one of the 32 ilis will dominate the politics in Kalinga.

Incumbent Gov. James Edduba will run against former Gov. Jocel Baac, the current vice governor.

Rep. Allen Jesse Mangaoang’s term will end in the congressional race, so three neophytes will try their hands: Caroline Agyao (PFP), Sacrament Gumilab (Independent), and Steve Ludan (Nationalist People’s Coalition). Four candidates will also try to replace Baac for vice governor.

Tabuk City will only have one mayoral candidate: incumbent Mayor Darwin Estranero. Of the seven towns, only Tanudan’s mayoral race has been decided, with Jaedicke Rhoiss Dagadag as the lone candidate. The rest are one-on-one fights except in Pinukpuk, which has four. Only Pasil has a female mayoral candidate in Kalinga.

Neighbors of Ilocos

In two Cordillera provinces, Apayao and Abra, dynastic politics has taken deeper hold.

Apayao

When that fragile hyphen still united Kalinga and Apayao, they were still part of Region II together with Ifugao. Their brand of politics in the top level was also Ilocano.

In 1954, then President Ramon Magsaysay established the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration (NARRA) to resettle dissidents and landless farmers. The Ilocanos took advantage of the program, and many settled in sparsely populated Kalinga-Apayao.

The representative of the hyphenated province before martial law was Felipe B. Almazan, who originally came from Bantay, Ilocos Sur. During the regular Batasang Pambansa from 1984 to 1986, the province was represented by David M. Puzon, who was assassinated in November 1986 just outside Manila.

He was replaced by William Claver, a migrant from Mountain Province whose politics was progressive. In 1992, Elias K. Bulut, a former schoolteacher and mayor of Calanasan, replaced Claver as congressman. On Valentine’s Day of 1995, Kalinga and Apayao separated.

Ranel Ram Cheng’s 2018 paper, “Political Dynasties, and Province Creation” describes this separation as “legislative-led gerrymandering.”

“What is clear, however, is that political dynasties were able to maneuver through constraints set in place by the Local Government Code of 1991 that were supposedly crafted in the era of decentralization as democratization. To an extent, the creation of new provinces did allow the entry of new political players in these new jurisdictions, but as is often the case, they were most likely to be new dynastic clans themselves,” Cheng said.

As for Apayao, he added: “The division of the former Kalinga-Apayao province, whose capital was located in the sub-province of Kalinga, was too far from the hometown of the Bulut clan, whose influence largely centered in the Apayao area. In establishing two separate provinces, they became among the few clans who held long uninterrupted rule over both the governorship and congressional seat, by rotating these positions among three family members only.”

Elias Kirtug Bulut, the patriarch, was mayor of Calanasan prior to that and then became either governor or congressman for 20 years until he died in 2015. He had been swapping positions with his son, Elias Jr. or Butzy. Upon the elder Bulut’s death, the son changed positions with his sister, Dr. Eleanor Bulut-Begtang.

This time, Elias Jr. will run for his last term as governor against another unknown, Domingo Purieng. His daughter Kyle will have no opponent as vice governor. Dr. Begtang is also running uncontested as a congresswoman. Elias Jr.’s brother Shamir is running unopposed as Calanasan mayor.

Also running unopposed in the mayoral race in Apayao are Bensmar Ligwang in Kabugao town and Evelyn Martinez in Sta. Marcela. The others are one-on-one fights for mayor, with one woman, Jessica de San Jose, running in Flora. The De San Joses have also been ruling their town for decades.

Abra

Abra also has bodong, but most are in the upland Tingguian areas. Bodong galvanized resistance against the Chico River Dam construction and the Cellophil Resources Corporation in Kalinga and Upper Abra in the 1970s. Still, overall, the politics of Abra is patterned after those of the neighboring Ilocos region.

“The socio-cultural landscape of the Cordillera also plays a significant role in explaining why Abra and Apayao only have provincial-level dynasties. Looking into the recent Abra demographics, Abra is dominated by Ilocanos and succeeded by Itnegs, while the Isnegs dominate Apayao,” said Dizon of SLU.

“Unlike with Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, and Mt Province, these provinces are characterized by diverse ethno-linguistic sub-cultural groups and clan system politics, which does not allow for the same level of political consolidation seen in more homogenous areas such as in Apayao, Abra, or the lowlands. This fragmentation has limited the rise of dominant provincial-level political families,” he added.

Abra, which has the most extended participation in national politics among the other Cordillera provinces, was always dominated by Ilocano families like the Villamors, Ortegas, Purugganans, Zapatas, Paredeses, Barberos, Bersamins and Valeras.

In 2006, Vicente “Vicsyd” Paredes Valera was governor of Abra, while his cousin, Luis “Chito” Purugganan Bersamin Jr., was the congressman. Valera had been governor after the EDSA Revolution in 1986, while Bersamin was just in his first term after being mayor of the capital town of Bangued.

But in December 2006, Bersamin was assassinated in a church in Quezon City. Earlier on January 13, 2006, La Paz Mayor Ysrael Bernos was assassinated in his hometown allegedly by his vice mayor. The young Bernos was then the head of the opposition in Abra. He was also the best friend of Victor Rodriguez, who would later become the executive secretary of President Marcos. Later, Rodriguez was replaced by Bersamin’s brother, former Chief Justice Lucas Bersamin.

Almost 10 years later, in 2016, Valera was sentenced for masterminding Bersamin’s murder. Freddie Dupo, the La Paz mayor who was also the main suspect in the killing of Bernos, became a state witness and said that it was Valera who ordered Bersamin’s killing.

With the fall of Valera, the opposition began to rule Abra. Bersamin’s brother Eustaquio became the governor, while another oppositionist, Lagayan Mayor Cecelia Luna, became the representative.

Another Valera (although unrelated), Dominic Valera, then the mayor of Bangued, would replace Eustaquio Bersamin as governor. While Dominic Valera’s daughter and the widow of Ysrael Bernos, Joy Bernos, would become the representative.

Later, Ysrael’s brother, Joseph Sto. Nino “JB” Bernos, who was La Paz mayor, would replace Joy in 2016.

Eventually, with his close ties to the Dutertes, JB Bernos would become the province’s political kingpin. In 2022, he would relinquish his seat as the Abra representative to his wife, Menchie, and return as mayor of La Paz. He would become the president of the League of Municipalities of the Philippines.

Abra is the outlier in the region. While most Cordillera provinces resist dynastic rule, it is home to what political science instructor Karin Bangsoy calls a “fat dynasty.”

“In political science, fat dynasties refer to multiple people from the same family occupying different positions all at once,” she said.

“In 2016, less than half, or 32 percent, of elected politicians in Abra are considered fat dynastic,” said Inclusive Democracy Research.

The most common surnames from governor to vice mayor are Valera and Barona, with five, followed by Bernos, Balao-as, and Seares, with four. Seven surnames had three.

The only Cordillera province “fatter” than Abra is Apayao, with 36 percent considered fat dynastic.

In 2022, in Abra, PCIJ counted six Bernoses, three Valeras, and three Crisologos. Eight towns have mayors and vice mayors with the same surnames, most of them couples.

For 2025, JB Bernos has aligned with former governor Eustaquio “Takit” Bersamin and his niece, former board member Anne Bersamin, who are running for the gubernatorial and vice gubernatorial seats.

The Bersamins are challenging JB Bernos’ sister-in-law and Ysrael’s widow, Jocelyn “Joy” Valera-Bernos, and her son, Bangued Vice Mayor Kiko, in the vice gubernatorial and gubernatorial races, respectively.

Dominic Valera plans to return as Bangued mayor, while his wife Mila is running for the province’s lone congressional seat against JB Bernos.

The rest of the province is almost the same. However, interestingly, there are four towns where the uncontested candidate for mayor is a woman. These are Daguioman (Yang-yang Padilla), Danglas (Esther Bernos, JB’s mother), La Paz (Nina Bernos, JB Bernos’ daughter), and Langiden (Izel Palecpec).

Boliney (Ronald Balao-as) and San Juan (Ari Bautista) are the other towns with lone candidates.

Another JB Bernos’ daughter is Jaja, who is running for mayor of Bucay against Jay Go.

Female candidates for mayor are running in Lacub, Lagangilang, Penarrubia, Pidigan, Pilar, San Isidro, Tayum, Tubo, and Villaciosa.

Bangued, Bucay, Pilar, Pidigan, and Tineg are seen as hotspots, where Edwin Crisologo will be battling Lenin Benwaren for mayor.

Low women participation

Male dominance in leadership roles remains a reality in indigenous communities in the Philippines, and the Cordillera is an example.

According to PCIJ’s estimates, women make up less than 20% of candidates for elective positions in these four provinces.

Benguet has the fewest, with only 42 female candidates from governor to vice mayor out of 356, or 11.8 percent. No woman ran for any position in Mankayan, while there was one each in Bakun and Sablan.

Baguio City has nine women running out of 57 candidates, or 15.8%.

Mountain Province has only 32 women candidates out of 267, or 12%. There were no women candidates in Sabangan, while there were only two in Barlig.

Ifugao has 45 women from the 279 total candidates, or 16%. One woman is running in Hingyon, and two each in Alfonso Lista and Asipulo.

There were 31 women among 175 candidates, or 17.7%, in Kalinga. One woman candidate was in Rizal town, and two each in Tanudan and Tinglayan.

The two “fat dynastic” provinces of Abra and Apayao have more women candidates.

Abra has the most candidates running in 2025, with 519. Of these, 113 are women or 21.77%.

More than 25% of all Apayao candidates, or 30 out of 119, are women, and Cordillera provinces have the highest number of women.

Overall, Cordillera has 302 women running out of the 1,772 candidates, or 17% of all candidates.

Political analyst Karin Bangsoy said male dominance in leadership roles is a reality not only in the Cordillera but across the Philippines, driven by several factors rooted in pervasive misogyny in the public consciousness, she said.

“Insofar as the dap-ay, tongtongan, and bodong are community mechanisms for resolving disputes, preserving peace, and discussing salient community issues, these are not necessarily limiting mechanisms for women in political office,” she said.

Despite the dominance of men in elected positions, Bangsoy said many Cordilleran women continue to lead both within and outside government.

“The Cordillera has several government line agencies staffed and headed by competent women bureaucrats. The region also has a number of active women’s organizations in our civil society, from barangay women’s associations to mass movements. Women’s empowerment as a political project is not limited to political office,” she said. – PCIJ.org