113 out of 149 Philippine cities also ruled by political dynasties

80 city mayors belonging to political dynasties are seeking reelection in May 2025. ‘The worst is having a mayor and a vice mayor who are related,” says political reform advocate Eirene Aguila.

By Guinevere Latoza, Angela Ballerda and Gabriel Oliveros

The Dutertes’ rise as one of the country’s most powerful political families can be traced to their unbroken control of Davao City Hall for over two decades.

Both former President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Vice President Sara Duterte began their political careers as city mayor. In this year’s elections, the elder Duterte seeks to regain his old seat at the City Hall, with his son Sebastian, the incumbent mayor, as running mate.

In Makati City, the Binays’ three-decade grip on the mayor’s seat has also catapulted two family members to national office: former Vice President Jejomar Binay and his daughter Sen. Nancy Binay. Incumbent Makati City Mayor Abby Binay could become the third if she wins as a senator on May 12.

The Dutertes and Binays are just among hundreds of families who ruled their city government for years and went on to consolidate more political power. At least 113 out of 149 city mayors belong to political dynasties, according to the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism’s (PCIJ) count.

A total of 80, or about 53% of all city mayors, are dynasts seeking reelection. Meanwhile, 27 sitting city mayors are considering relatives to replace them as most of them run for other positions.

And in some cities where non-dynast mayors lead, members of political dynasties are gearing up to unseat the incumbents.

Previous PCIJ research similarly shows that political dynasties have also swarmed the congressional district, party-list and gubernatorial races.

“What that indicates is… people who have a lot of resources, who have a lot of power, and are interested in dominating local politics for their own personal benefit are winning,” said Dean Dulay, a political science professor at the Singapore Management University.

In a 2021 study, Dulay found that while Filipino dynastic mayors spend more, it does not lead to higher economic growth or lower poverty.

“It’s suggestive of wasteful spending. And if you want to be very negative, you might say it’s pure corruption. If you want to be positive, it’s like they can do more things but they just don’t have the competence to do it very well,” he explained.

“In general, there doesn’t seem to be a lot of evidence that dynasties actually improve development,” he added.

‘Worst’ kind

“The worst is having a mayor and a vice mayor who are related,” political reform advocate Eirene Aguila said in a mix of Filipino and English.

“Sino ang gumagawa ng budget at sino yung gumagawa ng batas sa baba that will guide the work of the mayor? Kapag nagkamali ng gastos si mayor, sisitahin ba siya ng asawa niya?” she explained.

(“Who crafts the budget and the local ordinances that will guide the work of the mayor? When the mayor commits irregular spending, will he be reprimanded by his spouse?”)

Dulay shared a similar view. He said that vice mayors are significant players at the local level since they have “actual formal constraints on the mayor.”

But if the top two local chief executives are related, “all of these struggles and conflicts go away… It allows them to do more things unencumbered, unconstrained,” he said.

City councils, presided by the vice mayor, approve the local budget and legislate local ordinances and resolutions that the mayor is mandated to implement.

If the mayors’ relatives also dominate the council, it could further erode accountability and give way to dubious deals, at the local level, Aguila said.

“Nasho-shock tayo sa mga exposés sa Congress pero hindi naman yun overnight. Kasi sa konseho na dapat nagbabantay, nandun pa yung kamag-anak na binabasbasan lang yung gawain ng mayor,” she explained.

(“We are shocked by exposés in Congress but those do not happen overnight. Because the council whose job is to scrutinize simply greenlights the mayor’s activities.”)

One in every three city councils are already filled by the mayors’ kin. In this year’s midterms, more city mayors have relatives running for positions in city councils.

There are also term-limited city mayors who are running as vice mayors and eyeing relatives to replace them.

In Marawi City, Mayor Majul Gandamra is vying for vice mayor while his son Shariff, a political newcomer, bids to replace him at City Hall. It’s a situation that is replicated by Mayor Ferdie Estrella and his mother Sonia in Baliwag, Bulacan.

According to PCIJ research, the positions of vice mayor and councilor also serve as training grounds for scions of dynasties. In May, younger generations of the Dutertes, the Romualdezes of Leyte, and the Singsons of Ilocos Sur are running as councilors.

Aguila said this practice is a threat to democracy and limits the competition in local elections.

Dynasts seek to dislodge non-dynasts

There are, at most, 33 cities where non-dynast mayors rule. This year, 13 could be replaced by dynasts.

In San Fernando, La Union, Mayor Hermenegildo “Dong” Gualberto is being challenged by Alfredo Ortega. Ortega is a member of a dynasty that has reigned in La Union for decades. By PCIJ’s count, there are 11 Ortegas seeking electoral posts this year.

In Surigao City, incumbent Mayor Pablo Yves Dumlao II is rivalled by former mayor Ernesto “Nitoy” Matugas.

The Matugases hold a huge influence in Surigao del Norte. Ernesto’s brother Francisco Jose is currently 1st District representative of the province. His sister Elizabeth is the mayor of Dapa town.

Their parents, Francisco and Sol, are former governors of Surigao del Norte. The elder Matugas is facing plunder, graft and malversation charges over his alleged use of P60 million in disaster funds for the purchase of children’s books months before the national elections.

Aguila said dynasts enjoy an advantage over their rivals due to name recall.

“That’s why I think non-dynasts really need to double-time in terms of performance, in terms of reach, so that they can get to know you… Because you can’t take over the project of your sibling, because you’re the only one,” she said.

Dulay, however, pointed out that unseating dynasts is not a be-all end-all solution.

“Would the absence of a dynasty suggest things are getting better? It’s not that simple… because if you remove dynasties for one reason or the other, you can have someone else run in their stead,” he said.

“What if the alternative is someone who just tries to be dynastic too?” the political science professor added.

What can Filipinos do?

A lot can be done – from remolding the voter’s mindset to forging lasting political reforms.

Aguila, who has been mounting campaigns against political dynasties for more than two decades now, expressed hopes that voters choose candidates who they believe will truly serve them.

“Kapag naghahalal tayo, isipin natin: sino ba ang gusto natin diyang magsilbi sa atin? Sino diyan ang ilalagay ang kapakanan ko bago ang kapakanan ng anak niya, bago ang hanapbuhay at masarap na buhay ng pamilya niya?” she said.

(“When we elect our leaders, let’s think: who do we want to serve us? Who among them will prioritize my welfare over his children’s, over the lifestyle of his family?”)

That is why, Aguila said she tended to favor non-dynast candidates when they go against dynasts. She added that if someone is inclined to vote for a dynastic candidate, he should avoid electing other members of their family.

In terms of long-term solutions, Aguila said it’s about time Congress enacted an anti-political dynasty law, which the 1987 Constitution mandates.

The anti-political dynasty bill has been in limbo since it was first introduced in the House of Representatives nearly 30 years ago. Aguila, who has been invited as a resource person to hearings on the measure, acknowledged that passing it is a struggle.

“[Dynastic lawmakers] will not do things that will hurt their personal and individual interest,” she said.

But Aguila remained hopeful.  “Walang mawawala the more we talk about it. If [dynasties] will not stop, they will at least try to do a better job. If we cannot force them to stop, maybe somebody will step up and run,” she said.

(“We have nothing to lose the more we talk about it.”)

Dulay proposed a more “sustainable” approach. “Dynasties arise because mechanisms for good, accountable governance fail,” he said.

“And so if we’re going to be realistic about politics and really think about the way to make a sustainable change.. I would advocate for creating stronger (political) party assistance and having more transparency (in governance).” — PCIJ.org

PCIJ’s series on political dynasties is led by PCIJ Executive Director Carmela Fonbuena. Resident Editor TJ Burgonio is co-editor.

The reportorial and research team includes Guinevere Latoza, Aaron John Baluis, Angela Ballerda, Maujeri Ann Miranda, Leanne Louise Isip, Jaime Alfonso Cabanilla, Nyah Genelle De Leon, Luis Lagman, Jorene Luouise Tubesa, Joss Gabriel Oliveros, and John Gabriel Yanzon.

PCIJ Resident artist Joseph Luigi Almuena produced the illustrations.